Rawpoliticsjamaicastyle’s Weblog
Critically Examining Jamaican and World Politics!Archive for Uncategorized
Jamaica’s Economic Dilemma: Is Education the Answer?
Last week, Prime Minister Bruce Golding made the dreaded announcement, in the middle of the night no less, that public sector workers can expect a cut in their numbers, shortly. While, the PM gave no details as to when the numbers would come down from the approximately ninety thousand or so members of the Civil Service, there is doubt as to whether that delay holds any real hope of a stay of execution of these plans.
Indeed, one of the obvious readings of the PM’s actions in terms of making the announcement, while the nation slept and the fact that it contradicted earlier pronouncements that Civil Servant could rest assured that their numbers would not be cut is that the country is in a deep hole. After all, the remarks were not only made at night, they prefigured, if not confirmed the deep sense of foreboding that now obtains in several areas on account of the impending return to the International Monetary Fund (IMF); and what it will mean in terms of curtailing financial and other freedoms, collectively.
Most critics have complained that there was not only a need for more details about Jamaica’s application but also that the agreement would definitely mean a cut in the Civil Service. Further, the inflation of the budget by as much as $6 billion dollars, following last week’s tabling of the Estimates of Expenditure in the House of Representatives, also means more stress for the regular consumer/ citizen. This is on the heels of a freeze in public sector wages as well as an increase in taxation in several areas, among them Departure Tax, telecommunication, fuel and energy.
The implications are, of course, obvious. More people will be out of work. Less people will have disposable income to spend on the basic necessitities and fewer still will be able to absorb and, therefore, effectively deal with the shocks caused from the fallouts in the system. That means, even darker days ahead for Jamaicans, particularly those accustomed to having a job and providing for their families. The realities are very stark, indeed.
However, the more aware I become of the harsh economic realities as they impact Jamaica, the more I wonder about the types of solutions which are to be used to address this problem. The Prime Minister, for instance, talks of the need for a ‘paradigm shift’. Yet nothing about the return to the IMF or the presentation at midnight, either suggests that there is a change of any real effect that such policies address, or that the policies themselves indicate change.
The current set of economic policies clearly highlight that politicians are still not characters that inspire a great deal of faith and that public policies, themselves, especially as they impact the lives of the ‘common man’ – whoever that is, are still quite onerous in their effects on peoples’ daily lives. The plight of the ‘working poor’ is that, we are doomed to remain that way under the current policies of Government.
This is not to say that some are not able, through frugal management of their finances – however meagre, to eke out some levels of existence beyond mere survival. Still, the implications for ‘regular folk’ is that living from pay cheque to pay cheque is now very much the norm.
In addition to which, the experiences of this kind of poverty also suggests that there is hardly much in the way of hope that can be had by those who must contend with the daily struggles to make ends meet; that is, in terms of seeking real relief from their especially grim realities. The life of the ‘working poor’, pretty much remains the same from the cradle to the grave in Jamaica.
Education the Only Solution!
Which raises the question of education, where there has been reports of several activities; among them, the private schools demand for public funds to sustain their survival. Most recently too, Government announced an impending cut in the fees used to pay which it pays for students for the Caribbean School Education Certificate (CSEC) and the Caribbean Examination Council (CXC) subjects, at the end of their five years in secondary school.
Minister of Education, Andrew Holness just last week advised that this is the last year that the fees would be paid as the programme is currently being reviewed to determine the most effective means of addressing the fallouts. Students who do not show up for the exam, after having recieved the benefit of having four of their subjects paid for from the public purse, as well as those who do not do well in the exams can expect little support in ensuing years, as a result.
While, obviously a smart move in terms of reducing the stress on Government’s budget in terms of the returns on the public investment in education; what is not immediately clear is whether there is a recognition that Government will need to reallocate funds to the system in a very targetted and thoughtful way so as to reap the maximum benefits. Government will have to consider investing heavily in providing schools – public as well as private, with the resources to properly educate Jamaica’s children.
Not only should there be an improvement in the quality of students who can recieve the benefit of having their subjects paid for from the public purse; Government should also beef up meal and book programmes with the right resources. Children need a steady diet of the right nurtition for their systems and their minds in order to produce the maximum outputs at the end of their five or seven year stints in the secondary system.
Student/ Teacher Ratio
There is need to reduce the student teacher ratio to levels which will place Jamaica on par with those of our neighbours who do well in the Region, as well as to attain international standards in this regard. We need also to increase classroom spaces; library and computer as well as recreational and sporting facilities. The needs of all children should be addressed as much and as far as is possible within in the limits of the public budget, as well as Government’s own capacities to provide for the total development of its people.
After all, we need to diversify skill sets and, therefore, adequately prepare our youngsters for the rigours of life in the real world when they come of age and will be called on to participate more meaningfully in charting the nation’s future. Additionally, extending the learning hours and revamping the curriculum to include values and attitudes programmes which instill esteem in self and civic pride, are critical.
Practical National Ideology: Education and Development
The goals of national ideology and a keen sense of history are not merely academic interests without any real value in peoples general lives. Far from it! The Jamaican education system needs to become first rate. It should equip the nation’s future with the sense of imagination, occassion and ability to rise to the highest levels possible, whether at home or abroad. This is neither empty or even meaningless rhetoric either.
On the contrary, the need to strongly support education will mean that we may well be educating the whiz finance and labour ministers to help pull us out of the doldrums, currently, and, therefore, achieve and maintain the ambitions of Developed Country status even before 2030. It also means that, problems related to discipline and civic pride as well as an apparent lack of a developed risk taking culture occassioned by the spirit of entrepeneurship might be overcome in the former and deepened and further enhanced in the latter case, in short order.
National development is not just a matter for politicians to be concerned with – whether at nights, or throughout their lives as public servants to the state; rarely ever touching the experiences of the ‘common folk’, with the exception of when their is trouble. Quite the opposite! National development spans the entire gamut of stakeholders, whether the big investor in hotels on Jamaica’s north coast; the mother of two racing through traffic to transport her charges to their various afterschool programmes; to the stuggling cricketer juggling training while holding down a ‘nine-to-five’, to the man pushing his cart to earn a decent, if not difficult, living in Coronation Market. All are invested!
Greater efforts will and must be made to include each individual in the national conversation about the search for real solutions. Perhaps it is the case that, the mother fasting and praying that her son gets off the street and take to his books, or the deejay travelling to glitzy metropolitan centres also have ideas about how to push Jamaica forward. What can be done to harness their insights into transforming our collective vision of self and saving us from financial ruin?
National Anthem
Is it enough to just stand at attention at the cinema and other public functions when we hear the National Anthem and not also see how that act of genuflection registers an abiding committment to helping Jamaica to grow? We have to push education in a way that we have never done before and we will have to talk straight with the Jamaican people! It is just that simple!
More of us have ideas as to how to start businesses and improve on our situations. What is being done to enable these sectors in a real way? Is it enough to just say that we need a change or is it the case that we also need to articulate, very carefully, what that change is and how we will get there and when? Where are the timetables and the considerations for policy? How will we make that impact peoples’ lives positively and meaningfully?
Until we begin the conversation around these questions and not just talk but also act on them, there is little in the way of faith that midnight speeches inspire, or even criticisms from the other side. Opposition must have a moral fibre and integrity that are beyond question, even inasmuch as they remain political. Narrow partisanship will never save a people that had the courage and the audacity to survive five hundred years of oppression.
Creative; Honest Solutions Needed
On the contrary, our service to Jamaica requires creative, honest and inspired leadership that speaks not in parables and veiled statements but with respect, insight and commitment of purpose. This has to be one of those moments in history where we rise up to our greater selves. It has to become a watershed experience that benchmarks our severance with the past but also our embrace of the solution oriented possibilities of the future, defined by real earmarks and a consideration of all the stakeholders in ensuring appropriate governance.
Our work is, indeed, cut out for us! Let’s see how much of it we can get to before the next generation comes a-calling for their own stake in the process!
From Beijing to Berlin: Sports, Politics and Jamaica’s Regular ‘Passa Passa’ on the International Stage!
The time to talk about effective sports management, leadership and developmet in Jamaica has long arrived. However, how fitting a time to discuss the implications for the long term development of our Track and Field’s programme, than at the end of the World Championships in Athletics (WCA) where Jamaica finished second with thirteen medals – seven gold, four silver and two bronze?
The historic events in Berlin heralded our dominance in the sport of Track and Field Athletics. This follows on the heels of Beijing, last year, where Jamaica announced its presence to the world as a Sprint World Power by bagging all the sprint events; in the process, setting three World Records and shutting out all other countries in the Women’s 100m Final from the medal podium.
But, there are still unsettling questions which must be answered meaningfully and for which the heads of the Jamaica Amateur Athletics Association (JAAA) and other sporting organisations in this country must urgently consider. What is the role of management in the development of sports in Jamaica, especially given where the JAAAs had the unsavoury distinction of being the management team that wrote to the International Amateur Athletics Federation (IAAF) – the world governing body, requesting that its own athletes be thrown out of the Games?
How does the JAAA’s rationalise leadership issues against those which recognise the need to market Jamaica as a stable and competent nation committed to the goals of excellence through hard and dedicated work? What too, is the actual role of the athletes in terms of this forward thrust into branding Jamaica as a positive place to do business, not only in the sense in which we are an athletic world power but also as a competent, organised and brilliant people capable of working hard, smartly and fairly?
These questions must be answered, not just because we are interested in putting management under pressure, but because implicit in their responses is an indication of where we wish to position Jamaica, in terms of sport as a tool for positive social, economic and political development. We are not just running on a track, we are also marketing a nation of people on a global stage. Good management is critical to this process.
Those who lead cannot just get into their positions, simply because there is a need to have people in suits at major sporting events on the taxpayer’s dime. Indeed, the very presence of the Minister of Sport at the Games clearly indicate the seriousness of the issues that are represented by Jamaica’s sporting traditions at the WCA level.
However, it remains to be seen whether the Minister herself contributed to smooting over any of the concerns inherrent in the problems which plagued Jamaica before as well as during and after the Champs. The move to throw out the MVP athletes from the meet and eventually not doing enough to respond to Veronica Campbell-Brown’s needs to be accomodated in terms of the configuration of the Women’s Sprint Relays were two of the lowlights of the Games.
Was Minister Grange’s role to ensure that issues like these were addressed before they escalated into the ‘passa passa’ that they eventually became? Indeed, the Minister in an interview with TVJ Sports on the final day of the Games said that, she spoke to the team and Campbell-Brown, in particular, about her feelings in relation to the Sprint Relay. What was not said by the Minister, however, is what the sum total of those discussions were and why they never resulted in Campbell-Brown showing up for the event.
In taking the matter further, particularly regarding the need for seriousness about Jamaica’s attitude towards sport development, Minister of Tourism Edmund Bartlett claims that there were ‘front of house’ tourism initiatives which were being engaged in, by the Jamaican delegation who represented the nation in Berlin. However, Minister Bartlett also gave no explanations as to what actually were ‘front of house initiatives’ and how Jamaica stood to gain in a real way from seeing important ministers of Government cheering incessantly on television, alongside other mesmerised Jamaican and international spectators.
Indeed, the Minister’s response to the charges from the Opposition Peoples’ National Party (PNP) that, too many people formed part of the Jamaican delegation and that the costs were clearly prohibitive, in terms of Jamaica’s impending reopening of a borrowing relationship with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), indicated no clear understanding of what Sport Development is. This is especially considering that the Opposition’s questions about the actual value which Jamaica recieved from sending as important a political delegation as that seen on TV, to Berlin, were very solid. Minister Bartlett’s challenging of the claim that fifty people made up the Jamaican delegation does not, after all, address the real issues in the those questions.
Certainly, there are more important assignments that Jamaica’s Tourism and Sport portfolios have to carry, other than ‘front of house’ marketing (in Berlin). Hence, given that there was Government representation at the highest levels at the WCA, the question of the real gains from the event are, indeed, warranted. How did we benefit economically from these activities? Will the heads of Sports and Tourism, indeed, the Jamaican Government, tell us what are the plans for visioning the role of Sport Tourism as an effective and powerful brand for which Jamaica is to become known?
What too, is the role of the young people in this initiative? Will they be trained not just to run but to also speak and represent Jamaica as true ambassadors? Where are the scholarship programmes for training people to become effective sport managers and marketers so that they can participate effectively in this very important sector?
Unless these questions are meaningfully answered, in the aftermath of Berlin and following on the opening credits of Beijing, then there is a very big hole in Jamaica’s future whether as a Sprint, Track or Sporting World Power. This is especially in a context where Sport Tourism is a clear economic opportunity for Jamaica, particularly when one sees just how full the stadium was in Berlin and all the media that were present at the event. Obviously, the spin-offs from this kind of promotion are untold.
The Tourism Minister is obligated, therefore, to state the details of the plan as to what ‘front of house’ initiatives were undertaken in Germany and how Jamaica stands to gain from such efforts. This might give a more appropriate indication of how we will promote ‘Brand Jamaica’ in future, using these World Championships as the launch pad.
From the Dancehall Diaries: Notes on Passa Passa
A dreadlocked, weed vendor walks past me selling ‘High Grade’ in a cellophane plastic bag. I ask him, out of curiousity and, really, more amazement that he is clearly not hiding the product from view, (the bag is held up against his chest), how much it costs. He scrutinises me. Cynically at first. He then looks at the group I am with. He pauses. Looks again and then says: “so whe yuh waan know dat fah…?”. His voice trails off, an obvious hint of humour in it. We look at each other, knowingly, and then burst out laughing.
Everybody gets it. This is Passa-Passa. Take it or leave it, the rules do not really apply here. The laughter masks our wordless comment on his brazen disregard for the rule of law. After all, the police station is only a few chains away. He moves on; lazily, looking for more customers in the now crammed streetside venue. I am awed by his daring!
And that is not the only thing! The dancers are all out now in their wonderful array of ‘Dancheall fashion’. Their high energy and choreographed movements, including what I have now accepted as the ‘outrageous Daggerin’ dance, are all on display. The audience is mesmerised.
Stunt men from Germany and Jamaica are also riding by, giving us a taste of the melange that is Passa-Passa. They are promoting a stunt riding competition between Jamaica and German bikers, in a few day. Like the Red Bull truck – obviously one of Passa Passa’s benefactors, they and Red Stripe are helping to ensure the success of the event.
Something is definitely happening ‘Down Town’. The patrons are fired up and they know the ‘vibez’ will bubble till ah mawnin’! Oh, that is right, it is already dawn. The streaks of red flame across the grey coloured dome above us. Night is not yet ready to yield to the ways of daylight. Like the dancers below, she is far more interested in milking the curious energy of the throngs assembled beneath her on Spanish Town Road, the folds of fabric of her gown rapidly disappearing in the coming dawn.
Morning would be here soon and with it, his brother the Sun! But, still and even more curiously, the dancers remain steadfast in their vigil, dancing their troubles away, almost as if ode to the Night.
We had been here almost two and half hours now, having been the first to arrive at 2:30 a.m. Then, the residents all looked at us – one man and five women; three white, one Indian (from the Caribbean) and the other, well, she could almost pass for Jamaican. Her black skin fitted in perfectly with the black shiny pant suit she is wearing. No one can bother themselves with the ’strangeness’ of her accent, or even that she is British! For now, she and the night are one and we are all caught up in the incredible energy of the Passa Passa moment.
Even the near unbearable heat of the shop across the road, in which we seek refuge, upon disembarking from the taxi cab, seems cool in this ‘out there’ universe. Women dressed in their everyday clothes lounge about expectantly behind the walls enclosing the street behind us. They, like the man smoking marijuana from the bong beside us are all regulars. All have come out to witness another chapter in the soon to be unfurled excitement.
Like everybody else in a ten mile radius, we can hear the ‘Selector’ warming up on the mic. He instructs the Red Bull truck and the two pretty girls who accompany it in their small car with the Red Bull sign plastered over it, where to park: “Not out in di way!” he says! “We ah regular inna dis! We know how Passa Passa go! Yuh cyaan park deh so!”
The drivers heed the warning, even while more patrons continue to trickle into the venue. It is now three twenty in the morning and we are seated across the road, near the wall with the women in their everyday clothes. They are partially hidden from view but we can still hear the excitement simering in their muted voices. Bottles align the wall in front of them. They have been building their own vibe all night.
Then, the men to their left see us! “Brederin! Gimme one ah dem nuh!” one of them says, gesturing to the five women. The petite Indian girl is already buying liquor and drinking in the flavours and excitement of Passa Passa. She is a foreigner. She does not understand him. I explain that, “he apparently wants one of your!” They all smile.
The dark skinned girl, enveloped by the folds of night, responds in mock amazement: “wants one of us?! Wow!” I smile, too! I know that this is but a taste of the energy to come. My friend from Australia, who even seems paler under the fluorescent street lamp, smiles broadly. She shows him her ring finger: “I have a ring!” she says in almost nasal Australian twang.
The Indian girl, hair flowing down her back, midriff exposed, is smoking and drinking now. She too points to her ring finger for the man to see her wedding band. As if, on cue and not wanting to be outdone, the man shouts back and holds up his finger for all of us to see: “Me ave a ring to!” he says in bawdy excitement.
The dark skinned girl, with the British accent, suddenly suggests that we should move to the front, nearer where the dancers have converged. She says she is not afraid, just not completely interested in going further with the discussion about ring fingers and gifts of adult, albeit foreign women. We comply with her wishes.
In the streets, more of our colleagues can be seen now. They are coming from ‘Fiction’, the newest and suppousedly very ‘Uptown’ club, on the other side of town – literally, it is more than twenty minutes away. They are all chilling out from the conference earlier in the day.
One girl, with reddish brown dreadlocks looks at me and says, more like shouts: “Your paper today was very good!…Now, I see what you were talking about!” I nodded back in acknowledgement, momentarily curious about what may have seen at Passa Passa that relates to what I talked about earlier. I push the question out of my mind, though transfixed by the sea of colourful costumes and the unbridled ebullience unfolding before me.
Even the Japanese men who were sitting beside us dressed in the most thugged out of urban wear, with dolled up Jamaican women beside them are nearer the dancers now. We all know that something big is about to happen!
The Indian girl, says to me: “People from all over are here!” There is another group of white patrons and one man who sounds like he is from somewhere in Africa, beside us! I nod in agreement. This time more certain I know what was said to me.
I am the unacknowledged tour guide. The only Jamaican academic in the crowd, at least from what we can tell! My paper earlier, briefly touched on issues like this. It focussed more on how political issues of subjectivity are in popular culture, specifically Dancehall. I am now the resident expert!
Passa Passa marked the completion of a long, hard day of much thinking and presentation of academic papers, arising out of the Caribbean Studies Association (CSA) Conference in Kingston, from June 1-5, held at the Hilton Kingston Hotel. This was actual field work. Or, so we tell ourselves.
At any rate, it is a wonderful time to catch up with old friends and make new ones; hang out and take in the scene. Passa Passa lives up to expectation. Even the young boys dancing with the university professor and Dean of Graduate Affairs, who also taught me in undergrad, incidentally, is part of the moment. We all smile!
The Trinidadian television presenter with the long flowing red hair, to whom I was introduced by the Dean, is ‘irie’ now. She has had a few liquors and her partners are all looking on in rapt attention to the girls grabbing their crotch and acknowledging the Selector’s explicit remarks for their show of support; that is, if they are ‘good in bed’!
The TV presenter is shouting questions in my ears about, but only because it is so loud. She remarks also that she would like to do a project about the love of the Road! Whether Carnival in Trinidad, or Brazil, or even demonstrations in Italy, people all seem invested in the Road. She says we should work together and writes her email on a piece of paper. I place it in my pocket.
But, not nearly as carefully, unfortunately. We are pumped. This is all adrenaline now, though! Some of us have been up for close to twenty four hours, starting with early morning presentations the day before.
The TV Presenter says that, “next time I am here (Passa Passa), I want to see you out there dancing with them!” She points a red lacquered finger to the dancers, looking meaningfully at me. I smile and gently rebuff the invitation. After alll, I am an observer I remind myself.
I am sweating profusely now from practising the array of popular dance moves. However, only those which seem easy enough to pick up on spot. The others are a little more complex and require will more practise. I am not so sure I will be afforded that time.
I laugh raucously, at the invitation, a combination of disbelief at the suggestion, as well as a slight sense of nervousness from all the video cameras snaking their way through the crowds. I still work…outside of the academy. The feelings there are not always as liberal about events like these.
I do not wish to be seen on camera. So, I place my hand over my face. The camera man is not daunted. He shifts focus and turns his attention on the pretty TV Presenter, parts of her body are also exposed, though perhaps not as much as the girls grabbing their crotches beside us. They are swept up in the excitement and brashly performing for the video recording crew with panache and style.
Some of the other girls in the street, with their backs to the all purpose shop in which we bought our drinks earlier, increase the tempo of their gyrations. They must be seen too! Between that and the Selector’s continuing encouragement for even more explicit behaviou from themr; his acknowledgement of the ‘graduate students from UWI’ and the air conditioned coaster bus with market people ensconced inside; their produce piled high for all to see, Passa Passa has lived up to its billing. It is a show stopper!
The shop with the combination of weed, cold drinks and general purpose oils for achieving wealth, keeping a lover or bannishing unfriendly spirits; however, is a bonus. It is both haven and a study in contradictions – an ideal space for our anthropologising exploits.
We did not anticipate too, the unmatcehd cammaraderie of the resident. Though, I always knew it, I was still shocked. Spanish Town Road was an odd combination of urban malaise, youthful energy and rustic Jamaican charm. Looking at the energetic dancing, I was reminded of religious Jamaican folk rituals in which people ‘get inna spirit’ at night.
Even the women in their everyday clothes proved an invaluable part of the experience. They encouraged us to park behind the wall where they stood, the next time we are there. Everyone, including the old man and two women who were dancing in front the shop were in the moment, as if conspiring to show us another side of ‘ghetto life’ in Jamaica.
The mad man – we can tell from his attire that too many pieces of mismatched clothing just did not fit into the glamour and excitement of the other dancers, was off in his own world. But, his place was assured. He danced uninterrupted by the crews of young male dancers in their scarves, overall jackets, even windbreakers and multi-coloured shoes.
The cars were coming quicker now. Their insistent horns, indicating that Night had ultimately lost her grip in the battle for daylight. Her brother Morning was singnalling to his companion Sun that he was about to call off the party. From over the horizon, Sun shot out his first rays across the sky, every minute reminding that it was time to go.
We hugged everybody – at least those from the conference and went in search of our ride. The cab driver smiled upon seeing us: “Mi did ah wonder if onnu did ah go stay!” His smile betraying the seeming seriousness of his remarks.
“It did hype!” I say, emphasisng the last word, embodying the excitement! My voice hoarse from the constant shouting, the night air and the high voltage performances. I was tired. My feet leaden from the all night standing only just make it to my seat. The five women chimed in: “it was fun!”
“Wow! What an amazing party!”
“This was definitely better than Fiction!”
“A____________, we must do this again!” the Indian girl says to me, her eyes sparkling. She meant, when next she is in Jamaica.
I am happy. I have managed to entertain my friends/ colleagues, even while enjoying the experience myself. I will have to enter this as part of my field notes, I remind myself. The cab pulls away. Spanish Town Road and the energetic sounds of Passa Passa drifitng away with each second.
Still, the memory is so real it is hard to see how we would soon forget this. My friends’ excited chatter reliving every moment!
Daggerin’ and the Dancehall: The Politics of Representation
From all appearances, Daggerin’ has gone global and members of the international press are very much interested in covering it. Between the BBC and NEWSWEEK.com and also Youtube, there is no want of international attention on this issue. In fact, I too was recently solicited for an interview from a writer from NEWSWEEK.com. I was invited to speak in my capacity as a ‘writer/ critic’ (blogger) of Dancehall, from the ‘inside’. Unfortuantely, however, we seemed unable to coordinate our schedules. In between returned Facebook messages and phone calls by me, the story went to press without my inputs.
The article was an interesting account of the Daggerin’ dance phenomenon in Jamaica and also gave some implications for how the male sex organ may be damaged during these high voltage and very physical performances, as well as gestured to poverty here. A number of Jamaican sources, as well as one American doctor from Baylor Medical Centre were cited. The range of perspectives included known academics, to sound system operators and at least one other blogger. Entitled: ‘Really, Really Dirty Dancing: More On Daggering’ (http://blog.newsweek.com/blogs/thehumancondition/archive/2009/06/08/really-really-dirty-dancing-more-on-daggering.aspx), the narrative focussed on the dance form as especially sexy and provocative.
The story also highlighted some other key issues, primary among them the fact that Jamaica has, increasingly, come to be regarded in the international media as a (very) stratified society, in which concerns about class and access have very real implications for how the society works. Indeed, insofar as the author moves between the various sources referenced, shows what is potentially the very complex nature of Dancehall in Jamaica and, quite possibly, Jamaican culture, itself.
Still, there is a very real question which came to mind head after I read the story. What is the objective of the message regarding the stratified nature of Jamaican society and ultimately, the story? Is it aimed at highlighting the imbalances, in terms of how that presents Government with real obstacles for solving crime, or for that matter increasing the education budget and the levels of access which are had by those at the lowest levels in the system?
Or, could it be that by drawing attention to the stratified nature of Jamaica, it also highlights how the economy seems to be stagnating, even before the the current fallouts caused by the contraction of the world economy, globally? If so, then there are ideal opportunities for a discussion about Dancehall and its role in Jamaica, at this time.
If not, then there is need to further contextualise Dancehall and the phenomenon of Daggerin’, by extension; in part, because acts of representation are almost always political, especially those involving sex and sexuality. It behooves us ‘insiders’, then, to continue this very important dialogue, in an effort to widen out the discussion from just a narrow focus on sex and, in particular, damaged male organs, poverty and crime. After all, there is more to Jamaica than just this. Isn’t there?
The explanations offered, not so much in the story itself, but by some of the sources referenced regarding poverty in Jamaica, did not sufficiently interrogate the significance of that reality for Jamaican culture, or for that the culture of the ‘masses’. How is Dancehall produced and what does it mean for Jamaica’s own development as a ‘middle income country’, according to the designation of some multi-lateral lending agencies? Are those even applicable questions in this context?
Also curious is the seeming facination with the highly charged and very sexual nature of the Daggerin’ dance. This is not to suggest that Daggerin’ is not worthy of such importance as a discussion by the international press. However, it must be asked whether these media reports do not also help to reinforce a view of Jamaica as an especially sexually permissive place; where people are so destitute, marginalised and disempowered that their only means of survival is engaging in apparently lewd dances, at nights? The goal of which, it appears, is to seduce specific audiences whose main aim it also seems, is to voyeuristically consume Daggerin’ for purposes often disguised under the rhetoric of ‘research’, or even ‘curiousity’.
Why are poor, disenfranchised youth in the ghettoes of Kingston and elsewhere in Jamaica pushed to choreograph such explicit and provocative types of dances? Do these forms of entertainment have any implications for their real lives in a ’stratified’Jamaican society? If not, then perhaps some of the bemused facination also require further exploration.
Of critical importance here, is a kind of middle-class logic which also seems bent on promoting an image of Jamaica almost as if to excuse the fact that the Daggerin’ dance not only simulates violent sex but is also very dangerous. The story did not, in my view at least, appear to give a simultaneous qualification that such dances, when consumed in a generalised context often breach codes of responsibility and civility.
Questions about the civic responsibilities of these very adult entertainers are not just about an effort to side against ‘poor people’; that is, in their push to eke out an existence, however marginal in class obsessed Jamaica. Nor is it a prudish, if not irrational attempt at controlling those who would otherwise exist in the unbridled freedoms of their sexualities, if even at the level of ritualising such liberation through dance. Indeed, whereas the over sexualisation of our children may not seem like much to frown at in the ‘dance and do what you feel like’ atmosphere which currently characterises the society, the breakdown in Jamaican family structures, over time, coupled with the ever increasing, if not alarming reports of illiteracy at particular grade levels, among other related factors should allow us pause in this discussion.
In fact, it is especially curious that most of those who would make remarks about censorship are often also able to shield their own charges from the direct effects of this kind of ‘cultural’ broadsiding, in which young girls are encouraged to dance on their heads, feet splayed wide for various men to entertain themselves with carefree abandon. Such was the opening of the Newsweek article. This is not to say, though, that this position strictly limited Jamaican middle-class notions of ‘freedom’. However, it is to make the point that, in many respects, Dancehall is very adult entertainment. A fact that is sometimes forgotten in the traditional haste to brand it, not only as popular but oppressed culture.
Beyond the health implications for broken penises and the near death defying stunts, as explained in the Newsweek story, little is mentioned about the links between dancing and the presumed permissiveness of black sexualities, historically. How does that impact questions of medical care for the growing numbers of teen pregnancies, sexual assaults and also the spread of HIV-AIDS, especially amongst economically and socially depressed communities? And, is there also a need to identify such meanings in the context of the toursim discourse of sun, sand, sea and sex for which Jamaica is known?
These issues are not just simple matters of relativising Daggerin’ with similarly licentious displays of middle-class Carnival-type ‘wining’, which itself further complicates such concerns. On the contrary, issues about Daggerin, insofar as dances like these place Jamaica in the spotlight of international attention, have very real implications for how development is considered here.
Regardless of whether Dancehall sees itself as having a crucial part to play in this conversation, however, does not change the fact that it has also achieved a kind of notoriety for which Jamaica has also become branded. As I have argued before in this forum, as well as elsewhere, there is no escaping the Dancehall’s need to rehabilitate its public image, whetherat the local and or international levels. This is, in part, because the time for matured responsibility has long been upon us.
Dancehall is one of the important ways in which international audiences think about Jamaica and Jamaican culture. The focus on the sexual permissiveness of its proponents, at the level of dance, coupled with the emphasis on homophobic violence and the general sense of mayhem often sits at odds with the ‘paradise’ motif with which Jamaica has been ubiquitously referenced in the tourism discourse of Government. Going by this conception of Dancehall alone, Jamaicans hardly seem like a serious people ready to embrace the complex realities around us and in which we also live.
On the contrary, an image of Jamaica as having a devoted penchant for extreme/ x-rated partying and also, a presumed hatred of sexual minorities, itself, characterised by constant sectoral violence/ turf wars has become part of the signifiers by which we are known, internationally. This was also referenced in the article.
The debate around Dancehall is also a discussion about where Jamaica now finds itself in the international human development indices, in many ways. This is not to suggest that, Dancehall’s producers and consumers must change, by necessity, to suit the whims of Government, insofar as it may be percieved to be failing at these responsibilities. Far from it! The marketing, production and consumption of Dancehall do not exist in isolation of other realities with which Jamaica also grapples, whether as a government and, or a nation.
Daggerin’ and other such explicit dances mask some very serious concerns about and within Jamaica; that is, if we were to look closer. Significantly more harm than good will be done to both Dancehall and Jamaica too, if this is not acknowledged as important in the inter/national narratives of awe and bemused, if not defensive ‘curiousity’ used to articulate Dancehall’s identity, whether to ourselves and or the world.
The problem is not that others write about us, but that they do not seem to either understand the realities of life here or are not as invested in doing so, necessarilly. We are obligated to pen our own histories from our own vantage points, as a result! Failure to do so will, undoubtedly, be a very costly mistake later on up the road! Such is the nature of representations of this kind, which are never without their accompanying and intractable politics.
Daggerin’ and the Dancehall: The Politics of Representation
From all appearances, Daggerin’ has gone global and members of the international press are very much interested in covering it. Between the BBC and NEWSWEEK.com and also Youtube, there is no want of international attention on this issue. In fact, I too was recently solicited for an interview from a writer from NEWSWEEK.com. I was invited to speak in my capacity as a ‘writer/ critic’ (blogger) of Dancehall, from the ‘inside’. Unfortuantely, however, we seemed unable to coordinate our schedules. In between returned Facebook messages and phone calls by me, the story went to press without my inputs.
The article was an interesting account of the Daggerin’ dance phenomenon in Jamaica and also gave some implications for how the male sex organ may be damaged during these high voltage and very physical performances, as well as gestured to poverty here. A number of Jamaican sources, as well as one American doctor from Baylor Medical Centre were cited. The range of perspectives included known academics, to sound system operators and at least one other blogger. Entitled: ‘Really, Really Dirty Dancing: More On Daggering’ (http://blog.newsweek.com/blogs/thehumancondition/archive/2009/06/08/really-really-dirty-dancing-more-on-daggering.aspx), the narrative focussed on the dance form as especially sexy and provocative.
From all appearances, Daggerin’ has gone global and members of the international press are very much interested in covering it. Between the BBC and NEWSWEEK.com and also Youtube, there is no want of international attention on this issue. In fact, I too was recently solicited for an interview from a writer from NEWSWEEK.com. I was invited to speak in my capacity as a ‘writer/ critic’ (blogger) of Dancehall, from the ‘inside’. Unfortuantely, however, we seemed unable to coordinate our schedules. In between returned Facebook messages and phone calls by me, the story went to press without my inputs.
The article was an interesting account of the Daggerin’ dance phenomenon in Jamaica and also gave some implications for how the male sex organ may be damaged during these high voltage and very physical performances, as well as gestured to poverty here. A number of Jamaican sources, as well as one American doctor from Baylor Medical Centre were cited. The range of perspectives included known academics, to sound system operators and at least one other blogger. Entitled: ‘Really, Really Dirty Dancing: More On Daggering’ (http://blog.newsweek.com/blogs/thehumancondition/archive/2009/06/08/really-really-dirty-dancing-more-on-daggering.aspx), the narrative focussed on the dance form as especially sexy and provocative.
The story also highlighted some other key issues, primary among them the fact that Jamaica has, increasingly, come to be regarded in the international media as a (very) stratified society, in which concerns about class and access have very real implications for how the society works. Indeed, insofar as the author moves between the various sources referenced, shows what is potentially the very complex nature of Dancehall in Jamaica and, quite possibly, Jamaican culture, itself.
Still, there is a very real question which came to mind head after I read the story. What is the objective of the message regarding the stratified nature of Jamaican society and ultimately, the story? Is it aimed at highlighting the imbalances, in terms of how that presents Government with real obstacles for solving crime, or for that matter increasing the education budget and the levels of access which are had by those at the lowest levels in the system?
Or, could it be that by drawing attention to the stratified nature of Jamaica, it also highlights how the economy seems to be stagnating, even before the the current fallouts caused by the contraction of the world economy, globally? If so, then there are ideal opportunities for a discussion about Dancehall and its role in Jamaica, at this time.
If not, then there is need to further contextualise Dancehall and the phenomenon of Daggerin’, by extension; in part, because acts of representation are almost always political, especially those involving sex and sexuality. It behooves us ‘insiders’, then, to continue this very important dialogue, in an effort to widen out the discussion from just a narrow focus on sex and, in particular, damaged male organs, poverty and crime. After all, there is more to Jamaica than just this. Isn’t there?
The explanations offered, not so much in the story itself, but by some of the sources referenced regarding poverty in Jamaica, did not sufficiently interrogate the significance of that reality for Jamaican culture, or for that the culture of the ‘masses’. How is Dancehall produced and what does it mean for Jamaica’s own development as a ‘middle income country’, according to the designation of some multi-lateral lending agencies? Are those even applicable questions in this context?
Also curious is the seeming facination with the highly charged and very sexual nature of the Daggerin’ dance. This is not to suggest that Daggerin’ is not worthy of such importance as a discussion by the international press. However, it must be asked whether these media reports do not also help to reinforce a view of Jamaica as an especially sexually permissive place; where people are so destitute, marginalised and disempowered that their only means of survival is engaging in apparently lewd dances, at nights? The goal of which, it appears, is to seduce specific audiences whose main aim it also seems, is to voyeuristically consume Daggerin’ for purposes often disguised under the rhetoric of ‘research’, or even ‘curiousity’.
Why are poor, disenfranchised youth in the ghettoes of Kingston and elsewhere in Jamaica pushed to choreograph such explicit and provocative types of dances? Do these forms of entertainment have any implications for their real lives in a ’stratified’Jamaican society? If not, then perhaps some of the bemused facination also require further exploration.
Of critical importance here, is a kind of middle-class logic which also seems bent on promoting an image of Jamaica almost as if to excuse the fact that the Daggerin’ dance not only simulates violent sex but is also very dangerous. The story did not, in my view at least, appear to give a simultaneous qualification that such dances, when consumed in a generalised context often breach codes of responsibility and civility.
Questions about the civic responsibilities of these very adult entertainers are not just about an effort to side against ‘poor people’; that is, in their push to eke out an existence, however marginal in class obsessed Jamaica. Nor is it a prudish, if not irrational attempt at controlling those who would otherwise exist in the unbridled freedoms of their sexualities, if even at the level of ritualising such liberation through dance. Indeed, whereas the over sexualisation of our children may not seem like much to frown at in the ‘dance and do what you feel like’ atmosphere which currently characterises the society, the breakdown in Jamaican family structures, over time, coupled with the ever increasing, if not alarming reports of illiteracy at particular grade levels, among other related factors should allow us pause in this discussion.
In fact, it is especially curious that most of those who would make remarks about censorship are often also able to shield their own charges from the direct effects of this kind of ‘cultural’ broadsiding, in which young girls are encouraged to dance on their heads, feet splayed wide for various men to entertain themselves with carefree abandon. Such was the opening of the Newsweek article. This is not to say, though, that this position strictly limited Jamaican middle-class notions of ‘freedom’. However, it is to make the point that, in many respects, Dancehall is very adult entertainment. A fact that is sometimes forgotten in the traditional haste to brand it, not only as popular but oppressed culture.
Beyond the health implications for broken penises and the near death defying stunts, as explained in the Newsweek story, little is mentioned about the links between dancing and the presumed permissiveness of black sexualities, historically. How does that impact questions of medical care for the growing numbers of teen pregnancies, sexual assaults and also the spread of HIV-AIDS, especially amongst economically and socially depressed communities? And, is there also a need to identify such meanings in the context of the toursim discourse of sun, sand, sea and sex for which Jamaica is known?
These issues are not just simple matters of relativising Daggerin’ with similarly licentious displays of middle-class Carnival-type ‘wining’, which itself further complicates such concerns. On the contrary, issues about Daggerin, insofar as dances like these place Jamaica in the spotlight of international attention, have very real implications for how development is considered here.
Regardless of whether Dancehall sees itself as having a crucial part to play in this conversation, however, does not change the fact that it has also achieved a kind of notoriety for which Jamaica has also become branded. As I have argued before in this forum, as well as elsewhere, there is no escaping the Dancehall’s need to rehabilitate its public image, whetherat the local and or international levels. This is, in part, because the time for matured responsibility has long been upon us.
Dancehall is one of the important ways in which international audiences think about Jamaica and Jamaican culture. The focus on the sexual permissiveness of its proponents, at the level of dance, coupled with the emphasis on homophobic violence and the general sense of mayhem often sits at odds with the ‘paradise’ motif with which Jamaica has been ubiquitously referenced in the tourism discourse of Government. Going by this conception of Dancehall alone, Jamaicans hardly seem like a serious people ready to embrace the complex realities around us and in which we also live.
On the contrary, an image of Jamaica as having a devoted penchant for extreme/ x-rated partying and also, a presumed hatred of sexual minorities, itself, characterised by constant sectoral violence/ turf wars has become part of the signifiers by which we are known, internationally. This was also referenced in the article.
The debate around Dancehall is also a discussion about where Jamaica now finds itself in the international human development indices, in many ways. This is not to suggest that, Dancehall’s producers and consumers must change, by necessity, to suit the whims of Government, insofar as it may be percieved to be failing at these responsibilities. Far from it! The marketing, production and consumption of Dancehall do not exist in isolation of other realities with which Jamaica also grapples, whether as a government and, or a nation.
Daggerin’ and other such explicit dances mask some very serious concerns about and within Jamaica; that is, if we were to look closer. Significantly more harm than good will be done to both Dancehall and Jamaica too, if this is not acknowledged as important in the inter/national narratives of awe and bemused, if not defensive ‘curiousity’ used to articulate Dancehall’s identity, whether to ourselves and or the world.
The problem is not that others write about us, but that they do not seem to either understand the realities of life here or are not as invested in doing so, necessarilly. We are obligated to pen our own histories from our own vantage points, as a result! Failure to do so will, undoubtedly, be a very costly mistake later on up the road! Such is the nature of representations of this kind, which are never without their accompanying and intractable politics.
Critiquing Human Rights in Jamaica: Who Gets to Speak and What is Its Actual Value?
Traditionally, the discussion of human rights in Jamaica has been conducted in what may be considered ‘the privileged voice’. This speaks to the privileged positions occupied, in many ways, by those Jamaicans who set themselves up as ‘the authority’. This extends even in the case of Jamaicans who live outside of the country. The privileged voice, therefore, gets to set the tone of the discussion, if not the discussion itself and arrogate unto itself the wherewithal to determine who has access to the conversation and who does not – a kind of gate-keeping practise like we have never seen before!
In that regard, if you are not considered part of the inner-circle of the ‘privileged voice(s)’ then your position is largely seen as hostile, if not counter productive in terms of how this conversation on (human) rights is constructed and performed here. A case in point is a recent exchange between myself and some members of human rights groups in Jamaica, on Face Book. Without expounding on those details, several attempts were made in different ways to ridicule, if not censure the fact that I openly acknowledged, as I have also done previously, that I am not a member of any known and or named human rights group in Jamaica.
Obviously, my lack of direct involvement in the human rights community in Jamaica does not preclude me from commenting, substantively, on this very important issue which affects us all, however. Indeed, the impression that only, if not mostly, those with a known track record on human rights issues in Jamaica are either able to comment fulsomely on its implications in this country or for that matter offer solutions is plainly wrong. Thus, it relegates those percieved to be on the ‘outside’ to a defensive posture in this very important discussion, wherein they are constructed as either threatening and or counter productive to the goals of the movement.
This position is, of course, largely inaccurate and definitely insiderist. Its sole aim is to politicise poverty to the extent that it is set up as in explicitly dichotomous relationship with the state vis-a-vis human rights (organisations). Here, ‘Government’ is perceived as almost always complicit in strangling the personal and other freedoms of a particular kind of ‘poor people’ and as result, is directly implicated in the high rates of murder exhibited each year in Jamaica, especially those committed by the Jamaican Constabulary Force (JCF). Thus, perceived the JCF is, by and large, construed as the enemy of ‘poor people’.
Consequently, those sent to save us all from this unfortunate cocktail of oppression, murder and despair are a select group of people with credentials which largely mark them as ‘uptown’, if not ‘upper middle class’ Jamaicans. Indeed, there is nothing, necessarily wrong with this reality in and of itself. This is in the sense in which the police are often implicated in some especially heinous crimes which the news media does not hesitate to bombard us with each evening. Thus, it is important that a dedicated group of volunteers and non-Governmental Organisations, with both the resources and time, are devoted to addressing this cause.
Still, the references/ registers in which human rights are encoded in Jamaica nonetheless warrant questioning. This is epecially in terms of how human rights groups in Jamaica impact the development of a functioning and functionable civil society; that is, one which empowers regular, ordinary citizens with the aim of including them in the process of goverance at various levels. It may, therefore, be argued that through their own actions; however noble, the near universal focus on seeing Government as the enemy and, rarely, ever including the voices of (poor) people directly impacted by the causes they champion, human rights groups inadvertently sideline and or stifle the development of a functioning civil society in Jamaica.
Human rights continues to be a devalued conversation/ topic of interests in Jamaica, in part, because it is largely seen as only advocating the views of otherwise intolerable values and attitudes, such as claiming rights for known murderers and other anarchists in the state, including homosexuals. This is not to say that I agree with this position, however. On the contrary, it is argue that, in Jamaica any unofficial poll of the so-called ‘man in the streets’ would confirm that this is not only the common perception there is also a great deal of concern and anxiety over how to treat with these matters, especially where people seem to have less and less faith in the ‘Government’ to provide meaningful answers to their plights, currently.
In that regard, claims made by some members of the referenced Face Book conversation that, a Don Anderson poll found that 43% of Jamaicans do not care about whether someone was murdered, presumably, in cold blood are to be rigourously questioned. This is because it implies that, Jamaicans do not care about (each other) which also, presumably, explains the reasons why murders occur with such impunity in the society and, perhaps also why human rights groups face such a hard time winning support for their cause. Hence, there is no end in sight for the meoteric murder rate, in terms of the needless loss of seemingly expendable, black lives, especially those in Downtown, Kingston.
Significantly, these figures do not define how ‘care’ is operationalised, as well as the implications which follow from such a conclusion. Indeed, they do not even make a connection between why people would not be concerned about as obviously as distressing a matter such as crime and violence here, whether that presumably sanctioned by the state or for that matter random or even calculated acts of violence conducted by person outside of that group. Consequently, there is need for greater awareness building, in terms of working with institutions like the media, church groups, community based organisations and others to celebrate successful human rights cases as a way of raising the profile of the disussion.
Further, any suggestion that we are somehow unable to initiate a ‘culture of peace’ with the now, obviously, unacceptable ‘culture of violence’ which suppousedly characterises all of Jamaican society through negotiation and partnership is flawed. Certainly, no one is suggesting that this be the only approach, nor that we meet and engage in discussions with known criminals. However, there is much value in the way of real engagement between traditionally warring factions, especially in cases where there are areas of common interests.
A more gentle approach which does not seek to demonise all with whom it does not agree must also be considered. This requires real commitment and not half hearted attempts which go no further than merely expressing alarm over vioent incidents. After all, so long as they do not touch us then all is well. It is important to note therefore that, human rights are rights not just limited to violent murders ‘Downtown’, but also involves the systemic and entrenched economic and class systems which orchestrate the untimely destruction of innocent Jamaican lives and also life chances.
With respect, therefore, making a great noise about crime in Jamaica and engaging in long, impassioned discussions about just how ‘unacceptable’ it all is, as representative of our frustrations with the current state of affairs does not truly help. If there are no reasons to be hopeful then we are all in trouble. What is then, is the track record of our successes in this area? How many human rights issues have been successfully resolved in its history in Jamaica?
And, why have we not, in addition to campaigning for the rights of others, show how these strategies have worked in the past? At what point do we recongise that, while we discuss the proverbial Rome, in this case Jamaica, burns? What then would it profit the so-called ‘regular’, ‘ordinary’ Jamaican to sit back and callously enjoy the savage murder of other innocent Jamaicans? The traditional view of ‘poor people’ as ‘victims’ and police officers as ‘bullies’ and the state as supportive of/ enabling this narrative, in which police excesses are excused under the rubric of some spurious ‘investigation’, continues the trajectory in which the skills necessary for coping with the problems in the society are ignored.
As a result, the question of the successful examples is a valid one because, whether we are still caught in the trap of the colonial militia set up to immobilise poor, disenfranchised black people, historically, we still need to have hope! How do we get ‘buy-in’ and build consensus through actual empowerment? Where are the solutions from the people who are also directly affected by these harsh realities? And, why is it that, to suggest that there is need for this kind of broad based partnership, at the levels at which civil society plays a greater role, if even facilitated by the state, are not usually seen as legitimate options? Could it be that we do not want solutions? Or, is that, we have also given up hope? Lost sight of our commitment to service? Service, after all, encompasses even the difficult and trying times and the perseverance that comes with the hope of success.
Who wants to fight if there is no end is sight? Who wishes to make time for causes that have no heroes; no faces to celebrate in order to galvanise further support, if even at grassroots levels? What of the views of the mothers, sisters, brothers, fathers and communities in pain? Where are the job training and esteem empowerment workshops that will equip disadvantaged and at risk people with new skills to tackle the problems in their communities?
Unless there are actual solutions then this is a pointless exercise. Unless we are actually doing more than demonising Government, though they are very much deserving of that, then we are doing extremely very little. Unless we are widening out our frames of reference to see human rights as the rights of all Jamaicans, even those with other issues beyond a murdered son, or daughter then we have not yet started this especially important discussion.
Human rights include more than just a fight against homophobia; though it must have this as an important pillar of its make up. Human rights must also get to the root of the problems which give rise to these issues in the first place – the colonial patriarchal misogynistic attitudes enshrined by the state and practised as class politics in Jamaica. If we are not also engaging in this discussion and finding solutions to those problems too, then we are all dead in the water – no pun intended.
There must be more than just talk; there has also got to be action; and real action to boot!
Media Politics in the ‘West’: CNN and President Obama
I have found myself completely engrossed in a discussion I was drawn into, recently, on Face Book about the politics of media bias in America vis-à-vis the US Government and its recent labour report statistics. This is not unlike a conversation I have also, routinely, heard mentioned on the BBC, in particular on its World Have Your Say programme, on which I have also been a guest on-air a few times.
The main thesis of that argument centres on what is claimed to be the mainstream (‘liberal’) media’s support of Government, in particular, the Obama administration, in the specific context of America. CNN comes up for greatest mentioning in this regard, though the same may also be said of the BBC, etc. Here, ‘liberal’ refers to the sense in which such media are, presumably, renowned for pandering to the views of the largely, white, in this case American, educated, set of mostly undeclared elites. As such, the ‘liberal media’ are largely perceived as pro-Government and, in particular, pro-Obama partly because Obama is regarded, especially by his critics, as (more) ‘acceptable’ to ‘ liberal’, whites.
Read as upper-class, educated and especially metropolitan in its outlook, CNN, BBC and others, suppousedly, fall over themselves to represent President Obama and his administration, to a lesser extent, in progressive terms, presumably ignoring the grim realities of the ‘real’ America and the wider world. But is this characterization accurtate? And, how do such claims about the responses of the media towards President Obama aid or limit his ability to govern/ function? Are their attitudes, necessarily, different from the coverage of former President Bush?
To appropriately answer any of these questions, I feel it is incumbent on me to state that I am neither American, nor necessarily vested in seeking a complete resolution of this discussion; that is, beyond opening up for consideration some initial observations about, in particular, CNN’s coverage of President Obama which though largely favourable in my view, nonetheless challenges some of these assumptions. To begin with, agreeing with these assertions would, by necessity, mean that President Obama’s key messages of ‘hope’ and ‘change’, however questionable for some, are at best a fluke and at worst a complete lie. It would also suggest that the President’s platform has not had a positive impact, even outside of America.
Of course, it is important to note that, President Obama is still less than four months into his Presidency, as well as that he has achieved a number of the plans he had said he would implement upon taking office. He seems to have laid the foundation for doing what he said he would do, specifically his proposal to go after tax cheats, as a way to boost income for the economy, by passing laws to ensure that American businesses that hide money in tax havens like the Cayman Islands would be found out.
Further, lifting the ban on stem cell research, closing Guantanamo as well as opening up relations with Cuba and parts of the ‘Arab world’, also mark the US President as committed to achieving the platform on which he campaigned. While, the jury is certainly still out on the economy, despite signs of life on Wall Street, there are clearly reasons to understand what might well be considered (favourable) ‘media support’ of President Obama, currently. After all, the seeming speed with which he is going literally takes your breath away.
Still, it does not change the fact that the media seem explicitly biased in their treatment of the current President than say President Bush, or do they? Is there merit to the claim that this new President is getting a bligh – an easy pass, as it were, on the way to achieving his mandate, without rigourous opposition by the American media? Indeed, even if we accept President Obama’s media savvy helps to explain what appears to be a complicity on the part of the range of the ‘liberal’ (mostly American) media to represent Government in a positive light in order to achieve some other unspoken interests, whether for like of Obama or because of monetary interests, these claims do not tell the whole story.
Indeed, remarks like these are to be rigourously interrogated. This is, especially where the notable bastions of ‘liberalism’ CNN were amongst the first to start questioning whether the new President was ‘doing too much’; that is, not focusing completely on the economy. They were also amongst the first to counterpoint those questions with the, presumably, ‘never-before-seen’ images of white Americans living off food stamps. The obvious reading being that the American economy was in such a state of shambles that even the sacrosanct images of ‘whiteness’ were, themselves, under threat.
Admittedly, I found the narrative surrounding these stories very disconcerting, every time I watched the reports, if not altogether disingenuous. I was never under the impression that there was a real commitment to explaining, in clear and unequivocal language, that the conditions of living on food stamps, insofar as they allow one that privilege, is common to the realities of many white Americans. More to the point, the fact that the narrative sets up tensions between the then depth of the ‘Global Financial Crisis’ and America’s own efforts to dig itself out of the quagmire, with these suppousedly depressing images of wholesale economic malaise and presumed despair, heavily undercut the claims that the new President was getting a ‘free pass’.
In fact, I recalled in one story on the same CNN, about pirates in Somalia taking an American captain hostage being reported, directly ahead of questions about President Obama’s ability to ‘keep America safe’. Beyond the obvious ‘fact’ that, the media are ‘only’ answering the questions which the ‘public’ wishes to have responses to, there was no mistaking the clear parallels, however questionable, between the activities of Somali pirates and American security issues in this context. This, especially as President Obama also has direct roots in Africa.
The subtly of the parallels, however, were made all the more apparent thanks to the BBC which reminded, recently, in one of its features that piracy in Somalia is an especially sore point in modern American history. The near defeat of its army in 1993, chronicled in the movie Black Hawk Down profoundly underlined the point. While, obviously, important to Americans in terms of their security, the pirate incident, however innocuous, also raised questions about whether the President could (really) keep America safe, specifically regarding threats immediately outside its borders.
The obvious connection, therefore, between an African-American President and Africans (Somalis) who were creating havoc for Americans, presumably in the interests of economic activities, was unmistakable – at least in my view. Then, there was also the matter of whether President Obama was not, himself, weak when it came to military capacity as the Commander in Chief. In that regard, there is a clear and evident need to reconsider the claims that he has been given an easy time by the likes of CNN and other such media.
After all, I have not yet heard or seen where CNN has afforded, in the same way, the Obama administration an opportunity to respond substantively to the charge by former Republican Presidential candidates Mitt Romney and Rudy Giuliani that the President did not make (enough of) a fuss over North Korea’s rocket launch, recently. According to them, this was evidence of his weakness on security issues. Indeed, just today former Vice President Dick Cheney’s remarks about America being less safe with President Obama in office continue this discussion, all the time without a visible and meaningful reply from the administration in terms of defending the President’s credibility.
It seems reasonable in my view, then, that the question of media bias has less to do with a pro-Obama favouritism and somehow seems to relate more to the changing attitudes towards blackness in American popular culture, specifically at the levels at which media such as CNN and others operate; and how that affects their vision of the Government. Notably, I conceded in a Face Book response that, all media are biased. The question, then, seems to be less about the biases of media, per se, and more with how such biases affect how the ‘facts’ are covered as well as, whether there were any ‘facts’ to begin with.
Media bias is a function of media practise, generally. Facts and figures help to extend those biases; though, they are not necessarily in and of themselves biased in the same way that one’s agenda is or can be. To critique media bias without a simultaneous admission of this kind, therefore, makes such a criticism almost redundant; that is, where it does not present alternate facts and figures to dispute the claims made by those reported as ‘official’ in the (mainstream/ liberal) media.
Indeed, one colleague in rebutting these assertions reminded that, ‘facts’ (and figures) are not autonomous pieces of information which’ fall from the sky’. In her characteristically acerbic critique, my colleague/ friend highlighted the very point I was attempting to make that, unless there are new ‘facts’ that have been marshaled to challenge the claims in the original discussion about the labour statistics put out by the Government (read President Obama) last week and reported by the ‘liberal media’, then there is hardly a credible premise on which to say the Government is lying.
As a matter of fact, subsequent to my interventions the original commentator reported that his intentions were not to say the Government or the media were lying. Rather, it was to suggest that numbers are being revised upwards to achieve a more favourable view of the American economy. This then translates to increased consumer confidence; more sales and, ultimately, more ad revenue for the media. A fairly simple and straightforward equation.
However, missing from the explanation is the means by which we achieve the awareness that the numbers have been tampered with. Which is not to say that they have not been. On the contrary, the commentator’s admission underlines my earlier claim – arguments about media bias, or half truths reported as ‘facts’ must be dissected in appropriate context, especially where they lead to flawed conclusions. In that regard, the charges of media bias, whether in America or elsewhere do not help much in forwarding a meaningful understanding of how the media work, for whom and why.
Indeed, such an analysis says nothing of whether the stories reported are accurate, production values are adhered to, or even whether professionalism is deployed in the coverage of said stories, or follow-ups done on whichever issue. To which end, there is need to look again at what is being said by such remarks and how they may be used to serve multiple agendas, some of which are often hostile towards certain groups and communities, in this case the Obama Administration.
It is worth recalling too that, perspectives are learned and, obviously, shift to suit the contours of the realities in which we live. Nowhere is this more the case than in the media where the establishment, which controls them usually get to influence what is produced. The ultra Conservative views of Fox News, which is owned by the Conservative Rupert Murdoch, make this point only too well. Hence, ’facts’ are marshaled to support various positions despite that the ‘facts’, themselves, may not necessarily be flawed in terms of verification and testing.
And, that is also not to suggest that, ‘facts’ cannot be made up, or reports altogether doctored to achieve a more favourable image of an organization, in this case the American Government. After all, the example of the disgraced New York Times journalist who was found to have lied in some of his reports in the mid-90’s make the point all to obvious.
Consequently, and as noted above, the complexities in the coverage of America’s first African-American President and the ambivalence expressed in the attitudes of some Americans towards both him and his policies, specifically African-Americans like those with whom I interacted on Face Book are also tied up in these power relations between the state and the media. Thus, the ‘liberal media’s presumed anxieties towards black leadership may well be said to be echoed in the complicated responses of their audiences towards the Government.
Further, it may be argued that this attitude towards how to cover the first African-American President also gives cues to the audiences which they, in turn, read into subliminally and thus, find it hard to make important distinctions between in the attitudes expressed towards Government. This is not to suggest, however, that all of President Obama’s decisions have been appropriate or even good/ effective. Far from it! The failed candidate selections for some of his Cabinet positions would be one such example. Rather, it is to say that, wrapped up in the claims of bias towards President Obama in how he is covered by the ‘liberal media’ are also many unresolved concerns about race relations and the state, in America.
The BBC recently reported that, notwithstanding that Americans work in ‘diverse’ environments, many still live in segregated communities. The refusal in that regard to engage with each other is telling, in terms of what it says about how much work remains to be done about these very troubling issues in America, especially considering that they also set the tone for many in other parts of the world.
Consequently, questions of media bias, whether regarding CNN, the BBC, or any other media in the ‘West’ seen as ‘liberal’ must also examine the history of such media and how they have evolved in/ alongside the societies they presume to serve. How different are they from the rest of the society in which they operate and is such a difference, if noticed, sufficient to suggest that the treatment of all political figures are the same (read favourable)?
If yes, then we have not begun to have this very important discussion as of yet. And, if no, we are still hemmed in by conventional thinking which makes us also, largely, unable to have this conversation in a meaningful way. I would venture, accordingly, that the answer is somewhere in the middle; though, exactly where remains a matter for further discussion.
Jamaica’s Mandatory Wage Freeze and the Global Recession: Was this the Best Government Could Offer?
Below is a post I made on my Face Book page which has generated alot of buzz in that forum. I thought that it would be useful to publish it here, as well in an effort to get the views of an alternate audience. It’s sole intent is to widen the extent of the dialogue about Jamaica’s economic outlook, arising from changes in the world economy which has been on a consistent trend downwards for some time now.
How will Jamaica deal with the fallouts from the ‘Global Financial Crisis/ Meltdown’? These initial views hope to start that conversation, at the very least add another position for consideration.
Jamaica, like several other countries across the world, is feeling the dire effects of the contraction of the world economy and the collapse of the international credit industry, otherwise referred to as the ‘Banking Crisis’. Clearly, global in its scope and destructive in its reach, there is no denying that everyone across the world has come in for some sort of recessionary impact, as a result.
In its own efforts to respond to the crisis, the Jamaican Government has recommended a mandatory wage freeze for the Jamaican Public Sector, after the Prime Minister announced that he was also undertaking to give himself and, presumably, his other ministers of government, a fifteen percent cut in their wages. It is worth noting that, the Prime Minister’s salary comes up to well over half a million Jamaican dollars per month which, therefore, means that a fifteen percent salary cut does not go quite as far as those who have had to endure the erosion of the value of their wages over time, due to inflation, as well as the forced wage freeze.
In further justifying his position, one which was not discussed with either the Service or the unions who represent them, the Prime Minister claimed that to give the now due seven percent increase in wages, under the most recent Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed in 2008, that he would have to let go in excess of twenty thousand members of the Service. Government is the biggest employer in Jamaica, with just under ninety thousand employees at various levels in the system. The planned letting go of nearly a fifth of the Service population became the benchmark against which the Prime Minister made his decision.
While, not decrying the PM’s right to make hard choices, nor necessarily diminishing the basis on which he must do so, especially those concerning Jamaica’s economic future, there is need nonetheless to interrogate the current tone of Jamaica’s political leadership. Notwithstanding what many have routinely claimed is ‘too large’ a Public Sector, it behooves us to also ask whether this is the likely, or even best solution?
Indeed, the questioning of the decision made by the PM, which also directly impacts me, has more to do with the style of governance as well as the spirit than with the decision, itself. Hardly a useful distinction, it nonetheless points to the fact that, if we can employ better decision-making processes then it is more likely that, we can arrive at better outcomes, presumably in the interests of all.
Election Promises
Before coming to power in 2007, the then Leader of the Opposition Bruce Golding and his Party made various promises; among them, an assurance that the economy would grow by as much as seven percent, not unlike that of Singapore and other countries on the fast track to development. Other claims made included the very emotive charge that, while we may not all get rich we certainly did not have to be as poor as were, under the previous administration, in particular under then Prime Minister Portia Simpson Miller.
We could not, in effect, afford to take a chance with Mrs. Simpson Miller, the virago, who cares little, if anything for the members of her own constituency. That is, given its then extreme state of disarray. With the upsurge of emotions evoked by that experience, that we must now concede to a mandatory wage freeze is especially curious, if not altogether very distressing.
In addition to a tax on books, salt and other sundry items, the vast majority of which were previously not taxed and which also form a regular part of peoples’ daily existence here, does the make point of an apparently unconcerned and uncaring administration. What of the claims about empowerment? Is there any truth to any of them, especially in a context where there is no discussion and no seeming regard for the fact that people are obviously not coping well with the fallouts from the contracting world economy?
Economic Recession
At the risk also of dwelling too much on the bad, it was also this same administration who, when the rest of the Developed World were assembling their various economic crisis response teams claimed that Jamaica is fine and would not be seriously affected (presumably, if at all!). That attitude we now know was also wrong, as much as the apparent lack of regard for the electorate, insofar as refusing to address the nation directly to update us on the status of the economic plans in the current crisis.
To say that we are starved of information, however, would not altogether reflect an accurate position. This is especially in a context where there are enough alternate information sources coming from various points which paint just how serious a crisis we are in, globally. Still, the refusal to engage with Jamaicans on a direct, face-to-face manner is telling insofar as it not only gives the impression that ‘nutten naw gwaan’, it also reinforces this deep-seated pessimism. Needless to remind that, that and a recession are a deadly concoction when combined together.
Lack of Proper Planning/ Gas Tax
The lack of a visible or even meaningful plan, with of course the exception of the budget whose reading over a week ago seemed to have coincided with flashbacks from a couple years before when the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP), the Party currently in power effectively capitalised on the widespread disenchantment of Jamaicans at the time, at the news of a gas tax. Several days of rioting and media campaigns against the then Government – the People’s National Party (PNP), now members of Opposition, forced what appeared to be an about face. The tax was eventually rolled back.
Ironically, gas is now being taxed and despite concerns or even voiced opposition to this move, there does not appear to be the space for that kind of concession by the new administration. This after assuring rather glibly, as noted above, early on in the Recession last year, that Jamaica would not likely be adversely impacted by the crisis.
There was, as expected, a torrent of criticisms with which the Minister of Finance and the Public Service Audley Shaw’s remarks were addressed. However, that storm soon passed. And we were back to ‘business as usual’. After all, the popular position in some media here is that, there could at least be tolerance, on some level, given how badly the economy was felt to be mismanaged by the previous administration.
Alternate Strategy: Mass Lay-offs?
I am no economic whiz and I can clearly see the value of having a job. However, if mass firings and layoffs are the appropriate course of action, as is suggested by one of the comments on my mood status (on Face Book) shortly after posting, then it seems to me that there is a real need for more brain power to be added to the Government’s economic advisory team than is currently available. It is hardly a viable option, which is not to say it could not happen. Still, it does not justify non-communication and or the evident lack of regard so clearly and contemptuously demonstrated by the apparent lack of any type of coherent or even meaningful plan to drive the economy and limit our dependency on Government to provide employment for the majority of Jamaicans.
Taxation of Basic and Educational Supplies
The seeming lack of concern for a trained and or educated work force, across the length and breadth of the country is also exemplified in the move to tax certain books and other basic supplies, as per the new budget tabled by Mr. Shaw. We can be certain that, by these actions this administration sees little or no value in even attempting to communicate confidence in their abilities and their preparedness to do the job at hand – that is, governing in difficult times. This is especially sad, considering just how much we stand to loose in an increasingly worsening world economy.
The drying up of assistance programmes and funds, as well as competitive loans, will mean further erosion in the value of life here. Those at the base of the structure will obviously feel the effects most readily, but you can rest assured that others will too and none of this augurs well for the crime and violence that we continue to grapple with daily, with little or no success. What too of work to rule and industrial action? How will people respond to freeze on their income with no, apparent, end in sight?
These are interesting and timely questions which require urgent responses.
Britain to ‘Retake’ Control of the Turks and Caicos Islands: Constitutional Right or Modern Recolonialisation?
“Good. Its time that it was realised that some territories are not able to be entirely self governing due to their size location or history. A consultative legislature with limited powers is all that can be hoped for until circumstances change.” Ash, Perth, Australia
(http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article5919534.ece?token=null&offset=12&page=2)
The constitution of the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI) is to be suspended by the British Government today (March 25, 2009), arising out of what it has characterized as, investigations into political corruption in the Caribbean islands, which are still under British colonial rule. The suspension will cede all executive powers in the colony into the hands of the Governor General; who, according to Dr. Michael Misick, TCI Premier, ‘is not [even] a citizen of the country’.
According to the Times of London (online edition, March 17, 2009), in a report by the British Foreign Office authored by Sir Robin Auld, British Parliamentarian, the House of Assembly, Cabinet and ministers of Government will be terminated. Their powers will be transferred to the Governor.
Accused of selling ‘Crown’ lands, apparently without Britain’s awareness or sufficient remuneration in terms of sales taxes, income, etc., Dr. Misick and several of his colleagues (politicians) will be investigated and, possibly, tried for criminal charges by Britain.
This news holds special significance for us in the Caribbean, particularly given our history as former colonies. There is more to the issue than just the mere question of colonial entrapment and domination, though, or even the specific context of the TCI where the politicians are under suspicion. The news is also important in re-contextualising arguments about debt relief and economic enslavement, especially during the current world economic downturn.
While, there may well be grounds for British involvement in the affairs of the its colony, the suspension of the TCI constitution, undoubtedly also, evokes old questions about the contempt for non-white, non-British residents of Empire. The remarks above clearly highlight the intractable lack of regard of certain groups of people by colonists, as well as the abiding notion that leadership is largely the preserve of the British Parliament and none other. This is not unlike the arguments used to maintain control of former colonies like Jamaica, who though now politically ‘independent’ retain a Governor General as the representative of the Queen in their constitutions and the state.
Indeed, I made this point, recently, to a friend upon hearing this distressing news. I first enquired whether she had also heard it, herself, as well as to also discuss some of its implications for us here, specifically regarding Dr. Misick’s claim that the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) should ‘intercede’ on the TCI’s behalf to Britain. Alarmed at the defeatist and, seemingly groveling manner in which the embattled Premier responded to Britain by asking the, admittedly, less than potent CARICOM bloc to beg for mercy on the TCI’s behalf, I indicated to her just how objectionable his response was.
‘Global War on Terror’/ Democracy:
Before I was able to speak clearly on the matter, however, I was railroaded by a seeming impatience with reasoning, instead. I was treated to an unusual, if not curious face-off with my friend. My position was ridiculed as ‘rhetoric’ and the equivalent of ‘going around the mulberry path’ – code I was to discover for: ‘I (she) do not wish to talk about this, other than to hear herself speak!’ Still, I persevered and indicated that I was dismayed by the meanings of the impending take over, especially during the ‘Global Age of Terror’.
Ostensibly aimed at growing democracy in disparate parts of the world, I pointed out that Britain’s colonial interests in the TCI (Caribbean) sat visibly at odds with this noble thrust. After all, the Region was neither immediately politically important to the terrorism project – perhaps with the exception of Guantanamo Bay in Cuba, nor was it necessarily a strategic platform from which to operate British economic interests – at least not on the face of it.
My friend countered with the implication that, the Caribbean was, indeed, a hotspot. Earlier, she had heard news of Russia and Venezuela forming a partnership in the latter country. She argued that the two events, together, were significant, presumably in terms of spelling doom for the Region. Whereas I concurred that the events were newsworthy, however, I disagreed that Venezuela’s and Russia’s relationship, though troubling in some respects, was unusual. Largely, aimed at enriching the two oil producing nations, who were also at odds with the United States, currently, their partnership in the US’ backyard could hardly be viewed as surprising in this regard. Unlike Britain, who claimed to be more interested in spreading democracy and liberating ‘oppressed nations’ from demagogues like Sadam Hussein, the Taliban and others, the Russians and Hugo Chavez were more obvious about their intentions; however nefarious.
I ventured also that a more direct challenge against the contradictions of British declared interests in democracy might prove more meaningful than an impotent plea for ‘mercy’ by Dr. Misick. My friend disagreed and completely cut me off, accordingly. She stated that, Britain was (well) within its right to do as it saw fit. There was, effectively, no need for discussion. Ironically, I had initially made this same point, which I later revised upon more careful consideration.
The actions of the TCI Premier in terms of asking the leaders of CARICOM ‘intercede’ to Britain on their behalf were especially disappointing, if not surprising. It did not reflect an effective use of his platform as a head of state, albeit a colony. Dr. Misick appeared to lack a seriousness of purpose and or pride, particularly given the drastic nature of Britain’s intent. Consequently, the ‘Crown’s impending actions in the TCI are comparable to Queen Elizabeth the Second’s dismissal of the petition brought against her and the British government, in 1994 by members of Jamaica’s Rastafarian community for reparations.
The Queen justified her refusal to acknowledge the claims on the premise that, at the time of its existence, African Slavery was not a crime. While, that may well have been the case according to British law, it is nonetheless debatable whether a similar argument can be made in terms of the outrageous breach of human rights African Slavery so clearly represents, regardless of whichever time in history.
Whether or not an award is made in terms of damages, itself a disputed matter, given the potential challenges regarding allocating any benefits derived from a reparations package in the present, this too is a statement of the collectively disempowered states of black societies, globally. It is important that injustices such as these are actively challenged and that vigilance is maintained in terms of questioning the very premise of such ‘rights’, whether under colonial domination and or other forms of oppression. Ideological resistance is a critical part of this effort.
Solutions:
Rather than make a direct award to each descendant of African slaves in the ‘New World’, including Jamaica, there is a clear case for debt relief for poor countries like ours. This is especially in the midst of a continuingly precipitous fall in the world economy. Poorer/ smaller countries are more likely to feel the dire effects of this fallout. Indeed, in our last budget, seventy cents in every dollar in Jamaica was allocated towards debt servicing while inflation further eroded the value of the remaining thirty cents.
The case for reparations is not a foolish or even misguided, ‘rhetorical’ attempt at noise-making, as a result, especially when considered in this context. The take-over of the TCI by Britain has similar resonances. Dr. Misick is almost obligated, in my view, to exercise a greater sense of pride and forthrightness in terms of his response to Britain’s suspension of parts of the TCI’s constitution.
Rolling over and playing dead, or at the very least making flaccid remarks regarding what is clearly a grave and damaging act is hardly appropriate. A similar set of actions contributed to current untenable states of persistent poverty in the Region and others like it (Beckford, 1972). Hence, the rest of the Caribbean must view Britain’s action with very deep suspicion. After all, as a self declared democratic loving nation, it behooves us to ask: when do these values apply?
PS: I feel it imperative to point out as well that, early last year (2008), I recieved an email from a friend who is also Catholic, in which a priest from a church in the US talked about a Divine visitation from the Blessed Mother (Mary, Jesus’ Mother). Among others, the email highlighted some of the injustices in the world, in terms of the economic systems which privilege the rich and actively disempower the poor and proceeded to explain that a fallout, as dramatic as the economic downturn, was on its way.
The Blessed Mother said that, it would begin in the US in the heart of the financial district and pull other great economies under – think Iceland who, as a Developed Nation, had to go to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for lonas to help sustain its economy, late last year. She said that, the crisis would spread right across the world to teach man to be each other’s brother and that, it could not be prevented, only delayed. And, even that could only be achieved through deeper committment to the Word of God!
I was amazed to see how the economic crisis unfolded last year, accordingly, with the predicted deepening at about the time that the email said (October-November) and which also started with the mortgage foreclosures, as it also said. Absolutely uncanny! The question is: do we believe that this recession is an opportunity for us to stop and refocus, even if we are not Catholics, or religious, or whether we believe in (a) God? There can be no doubt that the greed of the Western Capitalists have precipitated this crisis, which no one seems to know when it will end.
Recently, a friend on Facebook pointed out to me also, after viewing a very distressing video about poverty in Africa, that academics from the Caribbean/ ‘Developing World’ like Walter Rodney, George Beckford and others have been talking about these issues for some time. It behooves us to pay attention and to know our history.
The economic enslavement of smaller, poorer countries to the will of those who live in the more affluent parts of the world is an inescapable reality. Any efforts to resubjugate us, in whichever form, must therefore, be streneously resisted; not so much because we expect a physical victory but because it is the right thing to do!
Dancehall Must Rehabilitate Its Public Image!
Below is a letter which I sent to the local media, here. Not sure if it will be published, but it has been sent to other commentators, as well. So, at least the views expressed in the letter may show up somewhere in the Jamaican media. Hopefully, I will be acknowledged. Please read and comment.
Thanks!
Dear Editor:
I write to acknowledge my endorsement of the efforts of the Broadcast Commission to review and address the untenable state of affairs regarding the wholesale promotion of values and attitudes contrary to the upliftment of the nation. Its decision to discontinue further airplay of the popular Dancehall tune ‘Rampin’ Shop’, though belated, is a timely reminder that the uncontrolled state of permissiveness encouraged in many areas of the Jamaican media require very careful monitoring.
This is not the same as suggesting that there is no place for Dancehall or that the heavy hand of moral arbitration is beyond being questioned. Far from it. It is to foreground instead, the singular importance of popular culture in shaping our collective national outlook in Jamaica, currently. Dancehall plays a crucial role in this regard. It is more than just a genre of popular music. Dancehall is also a very developed culture and includes issues related to economics and power, some of which often run counter to the goals of the state.
Indeed, there is no expectation that, Dancehall should fall neatly in line with the requirements of ‘establishment’ and sacrifice, in the process, its artistic integrity in the effort to school and parent Jamaicans. On the contrary, it is to highlight that whether wittingly, or not Dancehall has contributed much to the process of values formation in Jamaica and has become, as a result, a critical institution of socialisation.
This coupled with the increased weakening of some of the traditional systems, previously, responsible for socialising the state has resulted in the creation of a vacuum. New and different forces have risen up to fill these gaps. Dancehall is one such force. Alongside an acknowledged dissonance about what constitutes appropriate values in Jamaica, therefore, it is not hard to see how Dancehall may be regarded as more than just casual ‘adult entertainment’. For better or worse, it may be regarded as holding a preeminent position of socialisation within the society.
Dancehall must seriously consider rehabilitating its public image, as a result; not just in the interests of practicality given its increased powers of importance in the society, but also as a means of demonstrating its inherent versatility/ creativity. The latter, as we are aware, goes beyond a focus on only themes of sex and violence. Excuses regarding a chronic lack of education on the part of many of its producers and artistes are an insult to the diversity of intelligence and depth of talent within the industry/ culture. These must yield to the more urgent demands of true national development, cultural pride and meaningful progress.
The banning of ‘Rampin Shop’ as well as all other songs with words considered more generally offensive must be viewed in context, then, in terms of its attempt to guard against a moral opprobrium, especially in the interests of posterity. It is more than a mere question of ‘freedom of expression’ or even censorship, though these are also crucial considerations.
We are far more than just thugs for hire and sex crazed party-goers. I am confident, as a result, that it is well within our capacity to clean up Dancehall and as well as all other forms of entertainment which often fall outside of the boundaries of acceptability. Self regulation, education and civic responsibility must not be sacrificed, therefore, in the efforts to win popularity, wealth and power.
We can do much better! I am sure of it!
I am, etc.
Rawpoliticsjamaicastyle
